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By Oliver Corff |
Mongolische
Notizen - Mitteilungen der
Deutsch-Mongolischen
Gesellschaft
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Bonn, Germany |
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Now I have
already returned from my voyage to _Owor Mongol
_Oortoon Zasax Oron,
and I must confess it was a joyful and
sad journey.
It was joyful because despite a lack of any
formal introduction
I was received and treated like a noble
guest, and though my
Mongolian is far from being acceptable,
people were happy that I
made these efforts. The treatment I
got deepened my respect
for the Mongolian people in the sen-
se that there
was no sermon in it as you may encounter in
Japan or China when it
comes to being "polite", but you will
certainly have
your own experiences and views. My journey
was a sad one, because
global warming did not spare the semi
desert of
Ordos with winter temperatures now between -10 C
and -5 C, and
I saw a continuing process of desert in pro-
gress against
(and with) man's efforts. I saw the complete
incompatibility of
Mongolian and Chinese lifestyles which
led to a ruinous struggle
for natural resources; I saw their
respective economic
models collide (and as such, collide
with all their ecological
implications). I watched how a na-
tionality is
de facto deprived of a number of basic rights
while at the same time
holding the formal guarantees of tho-
se rights in
their hands; and I saw how men, women and
children, Mongolian and
Chinese alike, suffer from the envi-
ronmental pollution
that a merciful and progressive govern-
ment seeking
advances in the life of the citizens it is en-
trusted with did not
spare so far.
After these highly
emotional words I should go into detail.
The main point of
friction(s) is that the Central Government
in Beijing seems to
regard Inner Mongolia pretty much as its
backyard with
little respect for the people who live there
and the form of
administration these people are entitled to
(Autonomous
Region). The Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region
has been
inundated with Han-Chinese settlers in two ways.
The first is
technical personnel which came with the big
steel plants and
other industrial projects. There is little
objection or
hostility among the Mongolians against those
persons as it is widely
accepted that a) their jobs are use-
ful und b) there is not
enough qualified Mongolian personnel
to fill the same
positions while c) their number being fair-
ly low in
comparison to the group which poses the main
threat, partly
planned, partly wild peasant settlers who do
not respect a
single of the laws of nature in the carefully
balanced and
sensitive ecosystem of the steppe and desert
areas. The
settlers come to the steppe and open the ground
for grain
fields. In the first year, the yield is respec-
table, in the
second year, it is acceptable, in the third
year, it becomes
even less, and after four or five years of
continous
exploitation the field must be abandoned becaus
fertility stops
completely. As the nature (familiar to you,
I think) of
the ground does not permit ploughing without
destruction of the
soil, the place, once green steppe, then
a fertile field for a few
years, will finally and inevitably
turn into a
desert. This in turn accelerates the natural
process of
desertation having being active for a number of
years. Steppe,
due to its plant cover, can at least hold
some of the sparse water
of rains and rivers, while a desert
lacks this
capacity which should be a common fact. As the
ground does not
hold water any more, other plants have dif-
ficulties to survive, and
in dying, the ground loses its in-
tegrity while
more water is lost. The Han settlers care
little for
this. Driven by immense overpopulation in his
homelands, he
abandons his piece of earth and proceeds to
the next one,
making path for more deserts to follow. The
Mongolian herdsmen in
turn see the areas for their livestock
shrink, and what worked
for hundreds of years, the change of
meat from
livestock in the North against grain from fields
in the South,
has been toppled by the Chinese settlement
policy, thus
ruining natural resources and eventually risk-
ing the
survival of huge populations. So far, of course,
there is no
direct threat, as China as a whole manages to
survive, but
population is now at 1.1 billion with no limit
in sight. I even dare to
think that a huge and sudden cut in
population in
consequence of a natural disaster is the only
way to make people
REALLY think of their environment, but I
have serious doubts that
the ecological pendulum while swing
back in a time that man
still experiences.
In addition,
there is a number of ores, precious stones,
rare earths, metals and
other resources that are valuable to
the Central
Government. So, the construction of
infra-
structure is
a natural consequence of the Government's ef-
fort to
ensure the access to the resources, but Mongolians
who have to
acknowledge that nothing of this existed before
1949 say
these efforts were not made for them but despite
them, as they
do not enjoy any progress in life that could
be linked to
the exploitation of the resources. They have
the deep feeling
that all the efforts were and are made for
the government's
sake, and not for the communities living
there. Furthermore,
as some other properties of the area
(low population
density, far distance away off any big cen-
ter, out of the reach of
world opinion) are extremely useful
say for nuclear tests, an
alarming number of cancer (leucae-
mia) cases is
reported from some of the western parts (Ala-
shan Aimag)
of Inner Mongolia. This has to be studied more
deeply. Another very sad
fact is worth investigating is that
the mortality rate linked
to certain forms of cancer is much
higher in the supposedly
healthy grasslands then in the hea-
vily polluted
industrial centers, and again, the mortality
rate of Mongolians linked
to cancer is much higher than that
of the Han
population. The latter two facts, though, are
mainly due to a very
unbalanced diet which consists of a big
intake of animal
fat, red meat, strong alcohol, and absence
of green vegetables
and vitamin C on the side of the Mongo-
lian population in the
countryside. Unfortunately, in winter
the air pollution
in Huhhot is extremely severe, something
mainly due to
widespread use of coal for heating, and defi-
nitely also due to the
use of very primitive burning devices
where coal
burns at low temperature. Sometimes in the eve-
nings, one
can see the sky, but there is a thick fog that
impedes sight within less
then 50 or 100 meters.
Also, due to its
space and sources of coal and ore, part of
the central region
of Inner Mongolia around Huhhot and Bao-
tou has been
transformed into a huge industrial base with
steel and
aluminium production, the environment protection
lagging far
behind the development of the production faci-
lities. In
addition there are the sensitive climatic and
ecological conditions
which make all the pollution even less
digestible to nature.
At least
partially, the allegations made here are substan-
tiated by what I was told
in a conversation with two govern-
ment officials
unidentified here when we discussed the use-
fulness of
the Qinghai-Tibet railway being under construc-
tion now.
They said that there is nothing to go after in
Tibet (m. tend, yum
baixgui; ch. neibian meiyou shenme dong-
xi) so that
it were ultimately useless to construct this
railway, while
Xinjiang Uighur Region and Mongolia were SO
RICH (m. tend
ix olon yum baina; ch. neibian, dongxi duo),
according to their
words), being well worth the enormous ef-
forts of constructing
transport links.
Away from ecological and
environmental problems there is an-
other serious
issue which is felt by the Mongolians as a
grave burden
on their lives. It is the language problem.
Even in the remotest
village (sum; cun) with a population of
say 5000 persons,
Mongolians are outnumbered by Han Chinese
so that they form a
minority within their own Autonomous Re-
gion. This
alone, if it were in an acceptable scale, could
be got along
with, but in Huhhot, maybe 80% or 90% of the
population are now Han
(no exact figures available). One re-
sult of this
distribution is that Mongolian as a language
proves to be
of little use as the majority does not master
it. Shops and other
commercial facilities have their boards
written in Chinese and
Mongolian (the latter not always cor-
rectly worded
or spelled), but as soon as one enters the
establishment and looks -
for instance in a restaurant - for
a menu written in
Mongolian one can be sure that there is no
such. An
overwhelming majority of bookshops and newspaper
stalls carries
only publications in Chinese; one has to go
to the one and single
(official) Mongolian language bookshop
in town, plus
the (official) sales department of the Inner
Mongolian
Publishing House, plus one privately
operated
small bookshop
that specializes in Mongolian publications
(both as a
language and as a topic), plus the single-shelf
wide sections of some
other bookshops in order to find some-
thing written in
Mongolian. Equally little promising are the
printing quantities
of most Mongolian books which according
to contents
vary between several hundred and significantly
less than 10000 volumes
per publication. A similar situation
can be
observed with the wireless mass media. Both televi-
sion and radio
carry daily broadcasts in Mongolian, but the
accumulated time
of Chinese language broadcasts outweighs
the time of
Mongolian language broadcasts several times.
Also, though
the national TV newsreel broadcast in Chinese
every day has
a international news unit in it, there is no
segment covering
international news in the Mongolian lan-
guage newsreel.
The daily broadcasts of Mongolian language
programs are
said to be a big improvement over the recent
years when
Mongolian language programs used to be broadcast
only every second day.
Mongolian language
textbooks, so far, are full of either in-
doctrinatory or
discriminatory texts, such as: Inner Mongo-
lian Autonomous
Region is an inseparable part of our great
motherland China
(which is a very similar diction to that
concerning Taiwan).
There is absolutely no direct threat to
that one may
doubt this case, but still these phrases are
numerous. In one
textbook there are a number of situational
dialogues with typical
settings in which a herdsman who tra-
vels to Huhhot and
is refused acceptance to a hotel because
he has no
letter of introduction, or he cannot buy grain
products because he has
no special purchase document for ra-
tioned products. Of
course, there is the objective situation
that all over
China in cities these documents were or are
required in
order to obtain certain services or products,
but it happens in
nearly any of those situations that it is
the Mongolian citizen who
lacks these documents because (and
that is the message of
those stories) he refuses to integra-
te into the Han Chinese
society.
In Huhhot,
many Mongolians and their children cannot speak
their mothertongue
anymore, or speak it only in very limited
way. The main
language is Chinese, and at least during the
60's, Mongolian
was burdened with a huge number of Chinese
loans and
loan translations. This is now reduced, and many
awkward words are
now being replaced by their proper Mongo-
lian counterparts
- nonetheless, pronouncation differences
aside, there is now
a visible gap in the lexicon of "Inner"
and "Outer"
Mongolia (Or Southern and Northern Mongolia,
using Mongolian
instead of Chinese terms) which makes com-
munication on the
simpliest topics of everyday life someti-
mes pretty
complicated. Only a few Han Chinese attempt to
learn the
Mongolian language. One Han official who heard
that I try to learn
Mongolian asked bluntly what use it had
(xue Mengguyu
you shenme yong? - yaagaad Mongol xel surj
baina uu?). A standard
Mongolian primer for the introduction
to the written
Mongolian language has been printed in 2,000
volumes only. The
loss of language contributes to a loss of
identity and - in this
case - is of a particular significan-
ce, as
according to Chinese legislation, the right to make
use of the
"minority" language in the Autonomous Regions is
legally protected
and any Mongolian has the freedom to use
Mongolian in any
situation of life.
Daily life
questions of minor importance can turn into "na-
tionality questions" in
Huhhot. As one professor told me, if
a Mongolian buys
something in a Han operated shop (most com-
mercial
establishments are run by Han Chinese), and has to
find out that
the ware he buys does not meet its quality
standards, then
any complaint about it inevitably carries
undertones of
nationality frictions, and situations like
that can be encountered
daily and everywhere.
On behalf of the Han
Chinese, there is little concern or af-
fection for the
Mongolians (and other nationalities) who are
traditionally
considered to be barbarian, of primitive cul-
ture and virtually
lacking any civilization. So far, the de-
spise continues,
and, very interesting, many Chinese (who I
talked to) who are
interested in foreign affairs and filled
with national
pride when it comes to the place of their
country in the world,
react with horror and disgust when any
topic concerning
Mongolians is touched. This is all the more
incomprehensible as
the Mongolian population comprises some
millions in comparison to
the 1,100 millions of Han Chinese.
Especially when it comes
to issues as independency movements
or nationality
uprises (both are no topic in Inner Mongo-
lia), Han
Chinese are extremely afraid and overreact in a
manner which
is by no means supported by the actual amount
of "danger".
As a result of this
irrational fear, any social grouping of
Mongolians is considered
with great suspicion, and in a spe-
cial case to be
mentioned here, a choir conductor of a Mon-
golian folk music
ensemble seeking official recognition for
his group
(guaranteeing the right to perform, etc.) faces
the choice of
either admitting Han nationality singers to
his group and/or
performing Mongolian folk songs singing in
Chinese or being
refused official recognition. If he conti-
nues to keep
a purely Mongolian ensemble performing only
Mongolian songs, he will
be denied recognition and must con-
tinue his
activities on a leisure time basis. Any other ac-
tivities, even
New Year gatherings, although being legal,
have to be kept on a very
low profile in order not to be re-
garded as some kind of
"anti" activity.
Another significant
issue is the official historiography on
Mongolian topics
and Chingis Khan. In many Chinese publica-
tions he is made
Chinese ("Zhonghua minzu de weida de erzi"
- great son
of the Chinese people) and the Mongolians and
other nationalities
are turned into Chinese nationalities
even at times
when they were definitely seperate political
entities ("Wo
guo gudai shaoshu minzu zhi yi" - one of the
old national
minorities of our country). In a similar con-
text has to be seen
that a so-called Chingis Khan Mausoleum
was erected
in the Ordos region in 1957. Speaking in tech-
nical terms, this is
already a mistake, as his grave is (due
to Mongolian
rites) unknown. The place actually is a wor-
shipping place for
his soul and NOT a mausoleum. The Mongo-
lian term ONGON means
exactly a place for worshipping souls,
has a number
of shamanist connotations and refers only in
third or forth meaning to
the mausoleum of an eminent person
- nonetheless
this was translated into Chinese as "ling",
meaning mausoleum.
In a second distortion, this Chinese
"ling" is then
translated into the Mongolian BUNXAN (mauso-
leum) when it
comes to Mongolian texts written in Cyrillic
letters and apparently
destined for readers in the Mongolian
People's Republic.
Even a number of Mongolians resident in
the neighbourhood of the
worshipping place believe in it be-
ing the mausoleum of
Chingis Khan.
As far as
the building of this mausoleum is concerned, it
consists of a
strange mixture of Han Chinese architecture
blended with domes being
said to be shaped like yurts and of
"typical Mongolian
style". A Mongolian cap does not turn a
Chinese into a Mongolian,
and strictly speaking, there is no
such thing as
"Mongolian architecture", as most of solid
buildings used by
Mongolians in history, mainly monasteries
and residences of the
aristocracy, were modelled after Tibe-
tan or Han
Chinese patterns. Nonetheless, this "mausoleum"
has been made
a 'Focus Cultural Relic under State Protec-
tion', certainly
not for its age or historical value as a
masterpiece of
architecture, and obviously serves Chinese,
not Mongolian
purposes. This impression is further reinfor-
ced by a special
object on display there. One of the copper
torches to
carry the 'Holy Fire' of the XI Asian
Games
through China
was donated by the General Secretary Jiang
Zemin, including
his calligraphy. To continue the talk on
architecture, a number of
public buildings constructed after
1949 are made of
standardized modern average concrete buil-
dings, adding a round cap
with glazed tiles, the whole thing
then being
dubbed as 'typical nationality style' ("ju you
minzu tese de jianzhu
fengge"), a style certainly not inven-
ted and baptized as such
by a Mongolian, with no building in
this style existing
in the Mongolian People's Republic. Re-
turning to
the Chingis Khan Ongon, it should be mentioned
that the
place and the tribe residing here have a long hi-
story in
worshipping Chingis Khan. There is a simple, small
stupa two
miles away of the present building which used to
serve as a
worshipping place in former times, but according
to the
director of the Chingis Khan Mausoleum Research In-
stitute, the
old place was regarded to be of bad fengshui
(geomantic qualities) and
buddhists, taoists and shamans all
recommended the
choice of a new site, the place where the
present building is
located.
So far, I
have not really been able to draw the picture of
the "happy minority"
dancing and singing as it is frequently
used in the Chinese
media, and I feel that there are not ma-
ny Mongolians
in the region who feel like singing and dan-
cing at any given
time. While admitting that part of my de-
scriptions may
be biased, I am aware that at least for the
Mongolians, living
as a "national minority" in an "Autono-
mous Region"
is not really helpful when it comes to the
point of
personal identity and national pride. This may be
one reason
why I found such a wide-spread admiration of
Chingis Khan
(besides religious reasons) and was congratu-
lated many times on
behalf of the unification of Germany.
============================================================
This highly
personal and subjective text (originally a part
of a letter)
was written in February 1991 after a longer
visit to
Southern Mongolia. It was first circulated
in-
formally in
its present form and only later edited
and
translated into
German. In German it was published in 1993
by the "Mongolische
Notizen - Mitteilungen der Deutsch-
Mongolischen Gesellschaft",
Bonn.
OC.
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